The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics)
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Focusing on the strategic interaction among workers, employers, and the state, this book examines the temporal movement of postwar Italian strikes. Incorporating several theoretical approaches and based on many forms of empirical evidence (statistical, historical, ethnographic, and survey), The Puzzle of Strikes is unique in its broad concern with a variety of actors, theories, and forms of empirical evidence.
not because we had found all the answers. That is hardly ever the case. No, we simply lost interest. After all, history itself had relegated strikes to the background. Access to research grants and the trend in academic publishing had begun to follow different routes. Yet a stormy decade of scholarly production had left behind many unanswered questions, many unexplained discrepancies, many findings that did not fit together. Italy, for one, did not fit the known patterns. Neither economic models
longterm actions, between economic and political actions. The patterns discernible in Italian strikes clearly reflect those dilemmas and the ensuing choices. Tracing the determinants of the temporal patterns of strikes will put us in close touch with the theoretical tradition that brought out the dilemmas and informed the choices: the Marxist tradition. But, by and large, Marxist scholarship has neglected empirical studies of strikes. The Italian historical experience provides a unique
(2.2) i=0 Contrary to the original specification, I did not include a time-trend variable in the specification of the Ashenfelter and Johnson model for the Italian case [equation (2.2)], because the residuals obtained from the estimates of the model did not present any significant linear trend that would justify its inclusion (Draper and Smith, 1966, pp. 86-103). Furthermore, I did not include the previous level of profits because reliable quarterly data on profits are not available for Italy.
1959 and 1962, and finally having lost the battle with the Christian Democrats over both the nationalization of electric companies and centralized economic planning - but Organizational resources and collective action 123 the old leadership was without political spark. Confindustria became mostly an organization that provided technical services for smaller firms (Martinelli et al., 1981, p. 266). It was the resurgence of conflict in 1968 and during the 1969 autunno caldo that brought the old
another indicator of PCI strength that is much more appropriate for this: the number of party members (Barbagli and Corbetta, 1978; Farneti, 1983, p. 183). Figure 4.5 underscores the close relationship between the economic and political wings of the working class. The temporal contour for PCI membership follows very closely that for CGIL membership (Figure 4.2, p. I l l ) and commissioni interne electoral results (Figure 4.3, p. 112). These results basically confirm the close relationship among