The Democracy of Knowledge (Political Theory and Contemporary Philosophy)
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This volume in the Political Theory and Contemporary Philosophy series extends democracy to knowledge in two ways. First, it argues that the issues science seeks to clarify are relevant for all citizens. Second, it explains that the fundamental problems faced by any democracy, such as the economic crisis, are not so much problems of political will as cognitive failures that must be resolved through both a greater knowledge of the realities over which we govern and a fine-tuning of the tools of governance. In fact, knowledge and related fields are spheres in which not only economic prosperity, but also democratic quality, are determined. Thus politics of knowledge and through knowledge has become a question of democratic citizenship.
After introducing the concept of governing knowledge, the book discusses the political action of collective organization of uncertainty, before developing the idea of the cognitive challenge of the economy, revealed by today's economic crisis. A groundbreaking work by a renowned philosopher, it will be an accessible and fundamental resource for anyone interested in the relation of power to knowledge.
or moral opportunities. One of the principal assumptions of modern science was that it could act as a replacement for other types of knowledge. Both those in favor and those opposed to modern science and technology shared the conviction that scientific knowledge eliminated any other kind of knowledge (Marcuse  1989; Schelsky 1965; Bell 1973). They believed that the rationalization of social action would make traditional or irrational beliefs disappear. The first theories of the knowledge
as many people fear, they allow for flawless centralized surveillance. At the same time, this technological development allows for a significant amount of decentralization, local initiatives, and even effective and accessible surveillance of the people in charge of surveillance. The specific social constraints of a knowledge society are not the same as the constraints analyzed by the traditional theories of power relationships in general and political power specifically. In the traditional
to know anything about the deeper logic of processors and programs; we prefer to remain on the pleasant surface of functionality. This affects our lifestyle in many ways. We have gotten used to taking things at the “interface value” (Turkle 1995); in other words, we trust them at a surface level. We do not search hidden depths for some essential core; we simply enjoy using the media. We accept not knowing what is inside the black box of the things and devices we use, whether they are cars or
permanent attention to unexpected discontinuities. Organisms and organizations owe their survival to their ability and willingness to establish a series of permanent verification checks. Knowledge is not produced when stable contents are appropriated, but it is produced to the extent that their structures of observation and expectations are continually repaired. Systems owe the sensitivity that is at the heart of their reflexive activities to this permanent concern. In other words: psychic and
forecasts to perspectives for economic growth, passing through opinion polls, risk measurement, and strategic bets—are in well-deserved disrepute, but at the same time, they are more necessary than ever. To satisfy this growing demand for foreknowledge, we do not need data as much as interpretive abilities about available information. It was never as necessary as now to develop the art of the reasonable prediction, which also includes interpreting the trustworthiness of prophecies and prophets.