Rethinking Religion and World Affairs
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In recent years, the role of religion in the study and conduct of international affairs has become increasingly important. The essays in this volume seek to question and remedy the problematic neglect of religion in extant scholarship, grappling with puzzles, issues, and questions concerning religion and world affairs in six major areas. Contributors critically revisit the "secularization thesis," which proclaimed the steady erosion of religion's public presence as an effect of modernization; explore the relationship between religion, democracy, and the juridico-political discourse of human rights; assess the role of religion in fomenting, ameliorating, and redressing violent conflict; and consider the value of religious beliefs, actors, and institutions to the delivery of humanitarian aid and the fostering of socio-economic development. Finally, the volume addresses the representation of religion in the expanding global media landscape, the unique place of religion in American foreign policy, and the dilemmas it presents. Drawing on the work of leading scholars as well as policy makers and analysts, Rethinking Religion and World Affairs is the first comprehensive and authoritative guide to the interconnections of religion and global politics.
Council of Churches, led by Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu, that was in the forefront of the antiapartheid movement. In the Philippines and South Korea, local religious leaders and their communities clashed with authoritarian regimes allied with the United States. In all of these cases, the religious community in the United States provided a complementary voice within the U.S. political process through public campaigns, congressional testimony, and other forms of support to coreligionists
Scotland, the Lutheran churches in most Nordic countries, and the Orthodox Church in Greece. Ironically, this means that with the exception of the Catholic Church, which has eschewed establishment in every recent transition to democracy in Southern and Eastern Europe, every other major branch of Christianity (Anglican, Presbyterian, Lutheran, Orthodox) is officially established somewhere in Europe, without apparently jeopardizing democracy in those countries. One could, of course, retort that
more broadly, then Judaism were (again selectively and not without dissent) linked to the possibility of civilization and cited as the source of first principles for governing institutions. While Tocqueville described this famously in reference to the United States,44 modern scholars including Bellah, Connolly, Juergensmeyer, Taylor, van der Veer, Morone, and Pizzorno have chronicled how religion resonates in and through modern liberalism and secularism.45 Morone paints a lively portrait of
democracy (Esposito and Mogahed 2007; Fattah 2006; Hassan 2002; Hefner, 2011a). However, these survey data come with one important caveat: several states not included in the World Values Polling, including Saudi Arabia, Libya, and the Gulf States, diverge significantly from the prodemocracy norm. Survey and ethnographic data from these countries indicate that a sizable plurality or outright majority of respondents oppose democracy, usually on the grounds that it is said to be contrary to Islam.
without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.”46 The resolution affirmed that human rights are “universal, indivisible, interdependent, and interrelated.” Despite this initial appeal to universal harmony, the opening portions of the resolution are sprinkled with numerous references to racism, xenophobia, and the controversial proceedings and program of the 2001 Durban Conference. The resolution concluded by speculating on the “possible correlation” between defamation of religions