Nuclear Proliferation and International Security (Routledge Global Security Studies)
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The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty has long been key in non-proliferation and disarmament activities. The Treaty is the major international legal obstacle for states seeking nuclear weapon capabilities.
In retrospect, and despite setbacks, the overall impact of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty has been significant and gratifying. Its continued success is by no means guaranteed. As old nuclear dangers persist and new ones evolve, policies to halt nuclear proliferation are more disparate than at any other time. Nuclear weapons remain an essential part of the security policies of leading states and many developmental states maintain strong nuclear weapon ambitions, while terrorists have actively been seeking nuclear capabilities.
In search of an overarching strategy that recognizes both the flaws of the existing non-proliferation regime, and the value of some of the corrections proposed by regime critics, this volume assesses contemporary efforts to stem nuclear proliferation. In doing so, Nuclear Proliferation and International Security examines a number of cases with a view to recommending better non-proliferation tools and strategies. The contributors comprise renowned international scholars, who have been selected to obtain the best possible analyses of critically important issues related to international non-proliferation dynamics and the future integrity of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
purposes, especially in the territories of NNWS party to the treaty, and with due consideration for the needs of the developing areas of the world. The terms ‘territories’ and ‘areas’ may indicate support for regional approaches, whereas the word ‘especially’ has been for many years interpreted as tolerating cooperation in the application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes with countries that have not adhered to the NPT. Ban on nuclear-weapon proliferation 19 Since in the field of nuclear
principles, objectives and ways to promote the full implementation of the NPT, as well as its universality, and to make recommendations thereon’ (UN Disarmament Yearbook 1995). The Review Conferences themselves had to look forward as well as back, evaluate the results of the period under review, including implementation of the 22 J. Goldblat parties’ undertakings under the treaty, and identify those areas in which, and the means through which, further progress should be sought. The Decision on
Committee to Congress on security policy. Another commission member was the neo-conservative Paul Wolfowitz, former assistant defence secretary in the George Bush (Sr) administration. 34 A. Forland In 1997, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and former US Defense Secretary Dick Cheney launched the Project for a New American Century, arguing for a regime change in Iraq, even if this required military means. The Rumsfeld Commission continually referred to North Korea, Iran and Iraq as ‘hostile nations’, and
security problem. Lacking anything approaching a reasonably capable conventional defence capability (as proven not least in Chad) and with the shock experience of a largely useless air defence against a small part of the US Air Force and naval air power (Cordesman 2002b: 229–30), what else might provide national security than a WMD-based deterrent? However, it is harder to fathom what drove the Libyan leadership to continue with, and even accelerate, its nuclear-weapons programme in the 1990s,
there is no reason to disbelieve them. There is no place in US nuclear ideology for an adversary who uses nuclear weapons to try to assert its right to achieve a security relationship with Washington. For this reason, US nuclear hegemonists failed to perceive what the North Koreans were doing, over and over again. Their stereotypes simply precluded this possibility. In my view, they were mistaken in shunning the various overtures from Pyongyang, such as that made by the now deceased party leader