Maldevelopment: Anatomy of a Global Failure
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With great clarity, this updated edition explains the complex changes of the late-20th and early-21st centuries, including the transformations in Eastern Europe and in the world economy, the growth of capitalism in China and—despite the West riding on the crest of new technologies—its materialist goals being increasingly questioned by new social movements including the Greens. Written by a well-known political economist, this analysis addresses problems specific to the third world, with particular emphasis on the crisis of the African continent. As it examines the failure of development from a political standpoint, this account argues that the world needs to be remade on the basis of an alternative social system that is national, popular, and based on cooperation between the countries of the southern hemisphere.
to bring the ‘modern system’ into play. There were only two ways to do this: (i) to authorize and promote differentiation within the peasantry, allowing private appropriation of the soil by a minority and compelling the majority to sell their labour or to rent land; or (ii) to maintain the rural communities and impose on them a statist authority charged with their ‘incorporation’, that is to impose a ‘progress’ of which they would not be the beneficiaries. In the Sahel region the colonial system
abortions and surrender to the demands of the subordination that has followed each time in Latin America since the 19th century (to mention only the most recent examples of the Mexican revolution in the 1910s to 1920s and Peronist Argentina), in India (whose evolution from Nehru’s ‘first plan’ to the return of the right to government after Congress’s first failure is eloquent) and in numerous Arab and African countries. The post-Second World War circumstances were unusually favourable. At the
seeming successes of Korea, Brazil and India have forced the collective plan of the NIEO into the background. We shall return to these successes (cf. Chapters 6 and 7) to assess their character and extent. 90 2 The Decade of Drift: 1975–1985 Africa: from the Lagos plan (1980) to the World Bank plan and the United Nations conference (1986) Few now remember the Lagos Plan of Action, adopted by the OAU summit in 1980 in the tracks of the euphoria that five years earlier had marked the Third
military strategies towards the South and the placing of missile bases in Sicily, not aimed at the Soviet Union but at the Arab world. Therefore, under cover of a hotting-up of conflict with the East, conditions are created for aggression against the South. The Mediterranean is no longer NATO’s southern flank against the Soviet Union, but NATO’s central flank against the South. The strategy seeks, therefore, to recompradorize the enormous space that covers, among others, all the Arab and all the
the national capital from which they emerged, and hence their strategy could clash with that of the national state, to the extent that the latter expressed the collective interest of national capital. But two factors limited the extent of these contradictions. The first is that the transnationals were so only in their field of activity, as control over their capital remained national. It was a matter of US, British, German or Japanese transnationals. The second is that United States hegemony was