Kissinger: A Biography
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By the time Henry Kissinger was made secretary of state in 1973, he had become, according to the Gallup Poll, the most admired person in America and one of the most unlikely celebrities ever to capture the world's imagination. Yet Kissinger was also reviled by large segments of the American public, ranging from liberal intellectuals to conservative activists. Kissinger explores the relationship between this complex man's personality and the foreign policy he pursued. Drawing on extensive interviews with Kissinger as well as 150 other sources, including U.S. presidents and his business clients, this first full-length biography makes use of many of Kissinger's private papers and classified memos to tell his uniquely American story. The result is an intimate narrative, filled with surprising revelations, that takes this grandly colorful statesman from his childhood as a persecuted Jew in Nazi Germany, through his tortured relationship with Richard Nixon, to his later years as a globe-trotting business consultant.
swelling resentment of the NATO allies that made a shambles of what Kissinger had declared to be “the Year of Europe,” and brewing regional crises such as in Cyprus. For days at a time, Kissinger would become bogged down in the intricacies of cease-fire arrangements and the details of exactly which hills and passes were in dispute, an endeavor that could have been delegated to a high-profile special envoy with only the major issues left for Kissinger to resolve. But such a sharing of
public issue out of Soviet emigration was bound to backfire. His own quiet diplomacy had proven effective. In 1968, only 400 Jews had been allowed to emigrate. That number increased to 13,000 in 1971 and then to 32,000 the following year, when the summit and trade agreements occurred. It also steadily rose in 1973, when it reached 35,000 despite a temporary dip caused by the Yom Kippur War. “Soviet policy on emigration would clearly depend on the overall state of U.S.–Soviet relations,” Kissinger
Lebanon—when was the last time we protested that?” Leigh: “That’s a different situation.” Under Secretary Carlyle Maw: “It is self-defense.” Kissinger: “And we can’t construe a communist government in the middle of Indonesia as self-defense?” Leigh: “Well . . .” Kissinger [after a digression onto Angola]: “On the Timor thing, that will leak in three months and it will come out that Kissinger overruled his pristine bureaucrats and violated the law . . . . You have a responsibility to
over the National Security Council and its domestic-side counterparts. Reagan would remain as chairman and chief executive officer, with final decision-making authority. Kissinger pronounced the paper “not unreasonable.” Late that afternoon, Ford called and asked if he could come see Reagan. He had decided it was time to press the Kissinger issue. “Ron, I’m making a sacrifice here,” he said when he arrived. “And now I’m asking you to make a sacrifice. I want you to appoint Henry Kissinger as
Andrews, Jan. 11, 1990; Joseph Sisco, Mar. 5, 1990; H. R. Haldeman, Feb. 20, 1990; Safire, Before the Fall, 406. 24. Melvin Laird, Dec. 18 and 26, 1989; WHY, 33. 25. Melvin Laird, Dec. 18 and 26, 1989; Evans and Novak, Nixon in the White House, 24. WHY, 32; Henry Kissinger, Dec. 14, 1989; James Schlesinger, Nov. 17, 1989; Zumwalt, On Watch, 335–36; Richard Helms, Nov. 15, 1989. 26. Melvin Laird, Dec. 26, 1989; WHY, 925. Laird insists Kissinger’s version of smoke pouring out is exaggerated.