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Over the past several years, while visible protests against the World Bank and the I.M.F. made front-page news, there has been a growing field of scholarship that looks at the role of globalization for national and international state identities.
The first truism of globalization--that we live in an increasingly interconnected world, one in which it is impossible to separate the fate of one nation from that of the others--was dramatically illustrated on September 11, 2001, when the seemingly distant effects of a civil war in Afghanistan so murderously interrupted life in the United States.
Implicating Empire is the first book to look at four crucial dimensions of globalization:
first, its role vis-à-vis the current war;
second, the impact of globalization on domestic U.S. policy;
third, how globalization will necessarily alter national security, both in its definition as well as how it is pursued,
and, finally, the future of globalization.
Including original essays by Stanley Aronowitz, Ahmed Rashid, Tariq Ali, Manning Marable, Michael Hardt, and Ellen Willis, among others, Implicating Empire will set the agenda for how globalization is debated--and resisted--in the future.
materials such as books, courseware, multimedia packages, or testing, along with associated services, study abroad facilitation (payment of fees, visas, course transfer, housing arrangements), the sale of intellectual property, such as the licensing of the personal name of academic “superstars,” the sale of course packages or distance learning modules, the licensing of copyrights on new materials such as course software. Thus, even though few countries have made GATS commitments on higher
that the intervention was an unwarranted interference in what was described by many as a “civil war.” The perception that the United States was, indeed, an imperial power was shared by the diverse groups and individuals who, as legatees of the Vietnam era, converged on Seattle in December 1999 to protest the “free trade” policies of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Most interpreted these policies as thinly veiled justifications for sweatshops, environmental despoliation, and union-busting
for Education Services (01-3215).” Geneva: Council for Trade in Services. ______. 2001c. GATS: Fact and Fiction. Geneva: Secretariat. ______. 2000. “Communication from the United States: Negotiating Proposal for Education Services (00-5552).” Geneva: Council for Trade in Services. ______. 1998a. “Education Services: Background Note by the Secretariat (98-3691).” Geneva: Council for Trade in Services. ______. 1998b. “Communication from the United States: Education Services (98-4048).”
and Work since 1988. Formerly a steelworker, he was an organizer for the Amalgamated Clothing Workers (now UNITE) and the Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers. Aronowitz has continued his organizing and activist efforts as an elected officer of the Professional Staff Congress, AFT (American Federation of Teachers), and as the 2002 New York gubernatorial candidate for the Green Party. He is also the author or editor of twenty books, including The Knowledge Factory (2000), The Last Good Job in America
concept alive. The truth is that reality is split into two parts, in Fanon’s sense.13 On the one hand, there is the global club of the elites (the idle and good-for-nothing rich), which moves freely and expensively and is protected by army and police from Seattle to Genoa, from Davos to New York, with the task of reinterpreting freedom as free trade and democracy as the imposition of an elitist and contemptuous will to power over the world and the people of the world; on the other hand, there is