How to Run the World: Charting a Course to the Next Renaissance
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Here is a stunning and provocative guide to the future of international relations—a system for managing global problems beyond the stalemates of business versus government, East versus West, rich versus poor, democracy versus authoritarianism, free markets versus state capitalism. Written by the most esteemed and innovative adventurer-scholar of his generation, Parag Khanna’s How to Run the World posits a chaotic modern era that resembles the Middle Ages, with Asian empires, Western militaries, Middle Eastern sheikhdoms, magnetic city-states, wealthy multinational corporations, elite clans, religious zealots, tribal hordes, and potent media seething in an ever more unpredictable and dangerous storm. But just as that initial “dark age” ended with the Renaissance, Khanna believes that our time can become a great and enlightened age as well—only, though, if we harness our technology and connectedness to forge new networks among governments, businesses, and civic interest groups to tackle the crises of today and avert those of tomorrow.
With his trademark energy, intellect, and wit, Khanna reveals how a new “mega-diplomacy” consisting of coalitions among motivated technocrats, influential executives, super-philanthropists, cause-mopolitan activists, and everyday churchgoers can assemble the talent, pool the money, and deploy the resources to make the global economy fairer, rebuild failed states, combat terrorism, promote good governance, deliver food, water, health care, and education to those in need, and prevent environmental collapse. With examples taken from the smartest capital cities, most progressive boardrooms, and frontline NGOs, Khanna shows how mega-diplomacy is more than an ad hoc approach to running a world where no one is in charge—it is the playbook for creating a stable and self-correcting world for future generations.
How to Run the World is the cutting-edge manifesto for diplomacy in a borderless world.
security for a factory once it’s set up. This is the diplomat as he was in ancient times: a do-it-all factotum. Whether you want to run the world or save it, the only question to ask is “What kind of diplomat do you want to be?” In the cubicles of Manhattan today there are thousands of management consultants, investment bankers, and lawyers who embody an odd mix of dejection and passion. Unfulfilled by the monotony of Wall Street capitalism, they use their spare time to make business plans for
Tibetan human rights both in reality and in UN debates. Bono launched the One Campaign through which he practices shuttle diplomacy between London and Washington to build trust with world leaders while nagging them about targets for increasing development assistance; he famously brought Helms to tears once on the issue of debt relief. He also never misses a chance to shame corporate executives, telling the Global Business Council for HIV/AIDS in 2004: “I’d like to talk about getting on the right
entrepreneurs, and a host of “change makers” under the age of twenty build networks with one another and otherwise far-off leaders. Many great ideas and projects are born through connections made at these summits. The WEF will never get any credit—but who cares? The WEF itself has evolved into a hybrid structure not seen before: corporate funding, nonprofit status, current and former government officials on its board, and summits accorded the status of official diplomatic events. Its staff has
Asia, and two in Africa. If it doesn’t back up the priorities of Asians and Africans, they will get the money they need from powerful new friends such as China, India, and Brazil. Indeed, even as G-20 countries have reinforced the IMF’s liquidity, they are also buying allies through well-timed loans and increasingly trading in their own currencies. They will still make their own rules. Public and Private French president Nicolas Sarkozy has made a habit of claiming that the global financial
corporate America, the Fed turned to PIMCO, a private bond-trading firm, to revive credit markets. By and large, the companies that earn our dollars are still in many ways more accountable than the governments that get our votes (and dollars). As Gordon Brown argued in London, “The key is for the practices of most of the private sector to be followed by all of the private sector.” Even when it comes to complex derivatives, the solution is fairly simple: require banks offering high-risk products