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Since its first publication twenty years ago, Eurocentrism has become a classic of radical thought. Written by one of the world’s foremost political economists, this original and provocative essay takes on one of the great "ideological deformations" of our time: Eurocentrism. Rejecting the dominant Eurocentric view of world history, which narrowly and incorrectly posits a progression from the Greek and Roman classical world to Christian feudalism and the European capitalist system, Amin presents a sweeping reinterpretation that emphasizes the crucial historical role played by the Arab Islamic world. Throughout the work, Amin addressesa broad set of concerns, ranging from the ideological nature of scholastic metaphysics to the meanings and shortcomingsof contemporary Islamic fundamentalism. This second edition contains a new introduction and concluding chapter, both of which make the author’s arguments even more compelling.
family, and social life of the Jews. These laws regulate everything in the field of personal rights, matrimony, divorce, filiation, and inheritance. All of these laws are an integral part of the religion, of the sacred, and are hence difficult, if not impossible, to modify. These laws and rules com plement the no less precise criminal laws, which set brutal, if not sav age in contemporary eyes, retribution for some crimes (stoning adul terous women, for instance) and are considered sacred.
an example by attacking one of the harsh est and most formal criminal laws, i.e., the stoning of adulterous wives. When he says “those who have never sinned should throw the first stone,” he opens the door to debate. What if this law was not just, what if its only purpose was to hide the hypocrisy of the real sinners? In fact, Christians are going to give up Jewish laws and rituals: circumci sion disappears and the rules of personal law are diversified, insofar as the expansion of Christianity
population) are considered over the long run. This observation is the main argument against Marxism: “You see, Marx’s predictions have been contradicted by history.” However, if the world capitalist system is considered as a whole, then the polarization is more than obvious, it is unquestionable. A theoretical conclusion should be drawn from these twin obser vations: that in capitalism (as is so often the case with complex sys tems) the whole (the world) determines the parts (the nations) and
therefore, one were to write the theory of the trib utary mode of production, the title of the work would have to be Power, instead of Capital for the capitalist mode, and the title of the first chapter “The Fetishism of Power” instead of “The Fetishism of Commodities.” But such a work has not been written, nor is there anything anal ogous to the precise analysis that, like clockwork, describes the eco nomic functioning of capitalism. Marxism has not produced a theo ry of the political for
only at this price. In the vast state, social, and cultural reconstruction of the East and the Maghreb, rational Islamic Hellenistic scholasticism filled essential functions, even though it never received true support from the ruling powers. There would be no point in enumerating all of the areas in which important progress was made: practically all of the sciences, beginning with astronomy and mathematics (the zero and decimal notation, trigonometry, and algebra are all invented), and