Debating Political Identity and Legitimacy in the European Union (Routledge/GARNET series)
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How can we conceptualize identity and legitimacy in the context of the European union? What is the role of narratives, political symbols, public debate and institutional practices in the process of identity formation and legitimacy consolidation?
Debating Political Identity and Legitimacy in the European Union addresses these questions and brings together high profile scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds to debate the ontological and epistemological aspects of research on identity and legitimacy formation in the EU. Part I investigates key elements such as the relationship between ‘Europeanization’ of the EU member states and its effect on the political identity of their citizens; the relationship between the politicization of the EU and processes of identity and legitimacy formation; and the indispensability of European identity for legitimizing the EU. Part II looks at pathways to identity formation and legitimacy construction in the EU by considering alternative types of constitutional legitimacy; political symbolism; Europeanization and politicization of the debate on EU focusing on the foreign policy domain.
Bringing together a wide but coherent range of high profile perspectives, this book will of interest to students and scholars of European studies, Political Science, Philosophy, Sociology and Law.
policy-makers can (theoretically) be held accountable for their actions and decisions. These fundamental elements have all but disappeared from most contemporary conceptualizations of the European public sphere. In contrast, this study argues that the Europeanization of public discourse is a necessary but not sufficient condition to be able to speak of the existence of a European public sphere. A functioning public sphere also presupposes the wide- spread participation of citizens and civil
however, happen over- whelmingly ‘behind the scenes’, through inside channels, which would explain why they have little bearing on the Europeanization of the public sphere. A rep- resentative of the bureau of German Chancellor Angela Merkel put it accordingly: The only people [the German government] would seek to influence via the public domain is the German public itself, in the sense that we would try to convince them about our particular stances on foreign policy. With regard to influencing
Schlesinger, P.R (2007) (eds) The European Union and the Public Sphere. A communicative space in the making?, London: Routledge. Gabel, M. (1998) Interests and Integration. Market liberalization, public opinion, and European Union, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Habermas, J. (1990) Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit, Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp. —— (2001) ‘Why Europe Needs a Constitution’, New Left Review, 11: 5–26. Hooghe, L. and Marks, G. (2005) ‘Calculation, community and cues’,
the European Union, which are constituted in their member states, remain the decisive holders of public authority, including Union authority. In Germany, accession to a European federal state would require the creation of a new constitution, which would go along with the declared waiver of the sovereign statehood safeguarded by the Basic Law. There is no such act here. The European Union continues to constitute a union of rule (Herrschaftsverband) founded on international law, a union which is
basis of the US Senate (two senators per state, whatever its population), the BVG only regards it as legiti- mate while accompanied by another body, the House of Representatives, elected on the basis of ‘one man, one vote’. The comparison would be appropriate if the EU were or were to become a federal state like the US, with a comparable House of Representatives elected by popular vote; but this is neither a politically shared goal among European states and parties nor a perspective widely